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- <text>
- <title>
- Commentary Views Pakistan Policy on Kashmir
- </title>
- <article>
- <hdr>
- Foreign Broadcast Information Service, March 31, 1992
- South Asia: Commentary Views Pakistan Policy on Kashmir, Ties
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>[Commentary by Harbhajan Singh, editor of OBSERVER and member of
- the Press Council of India. Delhi All India Radio General
- Overseas Service in English 1010 GMT 30 Mar 92]
- </p>
- <p> [Text] With the arrest of so-called JKLF [Jammu and Kashmir
- Liberation Front] Chairman Amanullah Khan in Rawalpindi and
- several other top extremists of the militant outfit having gone
- underground in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, the so-
- called march by the JKLF to cross the Line of Actual Control may
- not appear. There can at best be some stray incidents and the
- alert Indian forces have the capacity and the will to silence
- mischief-mongers who may attempt the march to Line of Actual
- Control.
- </p>
- <p> Javed Ahmed Mir, a self-styled commander in chief, and
- another Pakistan-trained extremist, Raja Muzaffar Khan--so-
- called JKLF deputy chairman in Pakistan, may brag of their
- resolve. But many people are far from convinced as the Indian
- and Pakistani authorities are more determined than in February
- to stop the march. In fact, Pakistani authorities have arrested
- Amanullah Khan to win international accolades as well as to
- prevent the use of force against the marchers at the last
- minute to avoid killings of February 11 and 12.
- </p>
- <p> Reports from Islamabad also say that Islamabad government
- fears that the JKLF line of total independence may even provide
- the room for the UN to revise its original resolution confined
- to Kashmir's accession to India or Pakistan. The statement of
- the district superintendent of police of Mirpur District, Sardar
- Fahim Ahmed Khan, that the local security authorities have
- seized huge quantities of arms and ammunition and narcotics
- during searches all over the district is equally significant.
- This also shows that for the first time Pakistan's attempt to
- use the so-called JKLF like other Pakistan-linked terrorist
- outfits in Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir has backfired. The onus
- of stopping JKLF on the Line of Actual Control came on the
- Government of Pakistan, rather than India, as had been the case
- in the past.
- </p>
- <p> Looking a little more dispassionately, the Kashmir issue is
- not the cause of deteriorating India-Pakistan ties. A solution
- of the Kashmir problem will by no means signify the end of
- things. Let us make no mistake about it. For the basic problem,
- so far as Pakistan's rulers are concerned, is not Kashmir. The
- basic problem is India. The fundamental strategy of Pakistan's
- rulers is guided by the calculations that popular attention can
- be diverted from political and economic problems at home and
- sustained there only by a bogey abroad, and that bogey is India.
- In fact, there can be no solution to Kashmir, let alone the
- larger problems plaguing the relationship between the two
- countries, unless Pakistan has a stable government.
- </p>
- <p> The uncertain fate of its fledgling democracy, massive
- discontent in Sindh and to a lesser extent in Balochistan and
- the North-West Frontier Province, sectarian tensions, widening
- class disparities, the havoc brought by the [word indistinct]
- aftermath of the Afghan adventure, etc., are contributing to
- exacerbating the difficulties that Pakistani leadership
- experienced as they endeavor to forge a national identity on
- the basis of Islam and to build a strong modern and dynamic
- nation state. The situation in Pakistan is further compounded
- by the inherent weaknesses of the power structure which has been
- in hands of preeminently Punjabi groups and lobbies vying for
- dominance, the armed forces, the notorious ISI [Inter Services
- Intelligence] which tends to function as a state within the
- state, feudal lords, wealthy industrialists, mullahs, and
- religious parties.
- </p>
- <p> Regardless of linguistic and cultural links which bind the
- people of both India and Pakistan, any attempt by India to seek
- a rapprochement with Pakistan on the basis of these links raises
- its hackles. On the lapse of British paramountcy, the rulers of
- princely states had the option for either India or Pakistan.
- They had no third option of retaining independent status. The
- circumstances in which the maharaja of Kashmir acceded to India
- are too well-known, and also the facts of first India-Pakistan
- war on 1947-48.
- </p>
- <p> Suffice it to say that the present dispute over Kashmir is
- not the unfinished agenda of partition. Under the Simla
- Agreement of July 1972, the two countries agreed that in Jammu
- and Kashmir, the Line of Actual Control resulting from the
- cease-fire of December 1971 shall be respected by both sides.
- Neither side shall seek to alter it unilaterally irrespective of
- mutual differences and legal interpretation. They also agreed
- that both sides further undertake to refrain from the threat of
- the use of force in violation of this line. By taking advantage
- of India's internal unrest, Pakistan has continued a proxy war
- by funding, arming, training, and infiltrating militants like
- so-called JKLF. An objective military assessment of the
- situation will show that the state of insurgency may last, but
- it is not going to succeed in getting the valley to secede.
- </p>
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-